mildred_of_midgard: (Default)
[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard
Author: [personal profile] selenak, [personal profile] cahn
Original discussion: https://cahn.dreamwidth.org/221655.html?thread=5432535#cmt5432535

[personal profile] selenak: I mean, I can't imagine a more stressful position than having to fulfill both Fritz' and Heinrich's sexual and emotional needs at the same time, honestly. Which is probably why it never happened - I mean, real Marwitz may very well have been Heinrich's first love, i.e. before Heinrich got into the poly habit, but he definitely was never Fritz' sole pretty distraction. (Also, in the relevant era, post Silesia 2, Fredersdorf was of course alive and (relatively) well.) Meanwhile, even boastful Kalckreuth who is convinced he could have had Fritz (and that Heinrich should have been more grateful) doesn't imply he could have managed Fritz and Heinrich at the same time, let alone without any other boytoys. And Fritz loathed Kaphengst, who might have had the self confidence and lack of common sense to try such a mighty feat.

Discussion )
mildred_of_midgard: (Default)
[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard
As summarized by Selena, Ziebura's take on the episode in which Heinrich is offered a crown:

August III of Poland & Saxony had died in 1763, and a polish delegation lead by Andreas Mokranowski showed up in Prussia to offer the crown to Heinrich. Now, not only was this when Fritz and Heinrich had just had one of their frequent bust-ups (this one involved the immortal dialogue "mon cher, you just don't understand" "Oh, I think I'm old enough to understand" (exit Heinrich to Rheinsberg, seriously, this from two men who'd just won the 7 Years War), but it also conflicted with Catherine's desire to put her boyfriend, the later unexpectedly self determined Poniatowski on the Polish throne. Fritz, who did not want a new conflict with Russia, therefore forebade Andreas Mokranowski to as much as speak to Heinrich. Who didn't find out until becoming buddies with Catherine years later when negotioting the first Separation of Poland.

As part of [personal profile] mildred_of_midgard's Poland research, she across a 1905 article by Volz that says, "Not so fast."

Ziebura's account, according to Volz, is the traditional picture repeated by historian after historian, all of whom are copying each other (Volz puts some passages side by side to show the copying evidence), but this claim, as stated, goes back to some very unreliable sources that get everything wrong. The most reliable sources we have, which are unfortunately not as primary source as we would like, but summaries of speeches made orally, have a slightly different take.

First, some political background: There were two parties in Poland, the pro-Russian party led by the Czartoryskis and Poniatowskis (remember that they intermarried), aka "The Family", and the pro-French "Patriots" led by Branicki and Prince Radziwill. When Catherine sent Russian troops to occupy Poland in 1764, Branicki tried to defy them, but he and his troops were forced to flee to Hungary. Then he decided to ask Russia's ally Prussia to mediate.

Right as this was happening, Fritz was finally signing the treaty with Catherine, in which he pledged himself to support Poniatowski as king.

Branicki sent Mokranowski to Berlin to ask Fritz to do two things: 1) Prevent any alteration of the traditional Polish liberties that were aimed at strengthening the monarch's powers, 2) mediate between the two parties.

We have the goals of the delegation and Fritz's handwritten marginal notes in reply, and there is not a single syllable about Heinrich or offering the crown to him.

The only sources we have that mention Heinrich are reports that claim to go back to Mokranowski. An anonymously published life of Heinrich (1784) says that Mokranowski came not from Branicki but from a Polish confederation, and that the purpose of the delegation was to offer Heinrich the crown, and, worst of all, he dates the episode to the First Polish Partition, several years later!

Another anonymous life of Heinrich (1809) copies from it (both the language and the same mistakes show this), but adds the detail that Mokranowski made two trips to Berlin, one in 1764 and one in 1768, with the same request, and was rejected twice. Volz says we know for a fact that Mokranowski only made one trip, in 1764, and that there is clearly a lot of fictionalization happening here.

The most reliable sources we have are summaries made of the speech Mokranowski made when he got back to Poland, when he reported what he and Fritz had said orally. (Unfortunately, we don't have Mokranowski's direct take.)

There is one by a Polish noble named Mosczynki and an anonymous one. In what they include, they pretty much agree, but the anonymous one, which includes more detail, is the only one to mention Heinrich.

Then there's a book on the history of Poland by a Frenchman named Rulhière (cited extensively by de Broglie as well as the H-W bio), that also mentions Heinrich. Now, Rulhière had been in Russia in 1762 and had written an eyewitness account of the Revolution (that Wikipedia tells me was only published posthumously, as Catherine kept trying to destroy it), but he was *not* an eyewitness of the 1764 events. His account of the 1764 delegation to Fritz is largely based on Mosczynki's account, but it includes some extra details not in there (like Heinrich). There is some evidence he knew Mokranowski personally, especially since Mokranowski stayed in Paris from August 1769. However, Rulhière also makes some mistakes in his account, like saying Mokranowski went to Berlin on his own accord, rather than on behalf of Branicki.

A final source that mentions Heinrich is Baron Goltz's report from Paris 1769, Goltz being the Prussian envoy to France (whom I mentioned recently in response to Selena's question) and former Prussian envoy to Peter III.

So, to recap, our three reliable-seeming sources that mention Heinrich are:
- An anonymous recap of Mokranowski's speech to the Poles by a Pole.
- A summary of this episode by a Frenchman who may have known Mokranowski in Paris in 1769.
- An envoy report written several years later by a Prussian who knew Mokranowski during his stay in Paris in 1769, and wrote to Fritz summarizing what Mokranowksi had told him of what happened in 1764.

These three sources agree that 1) the main point of the embassy had nothing to do with Heinrich, 2) Heinrich's name came up in passing as a possible candidate.

Rulhière's version (which has mistakes), has Mokranowski saying, "Give us a king, give us your brother Prince Henri." Goltz's version has him saying, "Why does Your Majesty not want to give us a king from your own hand? The Poles would accept with joy and confidence someone like Prince Henri." In both accounts, Fritz responds, "He doesn't want to become Catholic." [Lol, Fritz.]

Finally, Fritz's reply to Goltz says, "Mokranowksi did indeed mention the proposal that you included in your last letter."

Critically, says Volz, there is no mention of a formal offer, just an idea, and Goltz specifically has Henri included just as an example of someone they (meaning the anti-Russian party) would accept.

In conclusion, it sort of happened, but there was no delegation sent to Fritz *in order to* ask for Heinrich as king, he just sort of came up in conversation as a possibility.

We all agree Fritz noped right out of that, though. ;)

Given that the guy who casually mentioned Heinrich was representing a party that had just been kicked out of Poland by occupying Russian troops, and given Kunersdorf and Zorndorf, I can see why Fritz did not want to touch the clusterfuck that is Poland and a war with Russia with a ten-foot pole in 1764. But you can tell he very much doesn't trust Heinrich to do the right thing here: Rulhière's account has him saying, "No, he really doesn't [want to become Catholic], and his stance on this is so firm that there's no point in talking to him; I will protect you from seeing it."

In *other* interesting Fritz-and-Poland news, I read Volz's account of Heinrich's maneuverings to end up in St. Petersburg, and indeed, it is convincing that Fritz did not send Heinrich to Catherine to propose a partition, but that this was Heinrich's initiative...but I have since turned up something that Volz does not mention in that article (unless I missed it in a footnote), but seems incredibly relevant:

In February 1769, Fritz proposed a partition of Poland to his envoy in St. Petersburg. He tried to pass it off as the idea of Count Lynar (remember, the former Danish ambassador to Russia who lost a game of intrigue with Moltke), who was in Berlin at the time to marry his daughter to a Kamecke, but my source (a 2022 book on the Russo-Turkish war of 1768-1774) says that it was Fritz's idea, as no reference to any such thing has been found in Lynar's papers. I have no source for the claim that it's *not* in Lynar's papers, but I have read the original letter from Fritz to his envoy Solms in 1769 in the Political Correspondence, so that's legit.

We've also seen that Fritz, in his political testament of 1768, told his successor that Poland must be eaten by an artichoke: leaf by leaf, and he was very interested in getting that land bridge from Pomerania to East Prussia.

But Catherine said no in 1769, and apparently by 1771, Fritz didn't think it was going to happen and was playing cautious. What's interesting is that historians will *either* say the partition was Fritz's idea and he "sent" Heinrich (which is wrong), or they'll say it was Heinrich's idea (or that it was proposed to him at Catherine's court and he started selling it to Fritz) without mentioning that Fritz himself had actually proposed it just 2 years before. (Given that, he may genuinely have believed later on that just a few months later he was chatting about a partition with Joseph, since Russia and Poland and what to do about the situation was a major topic of their discussion.) I actually had to read Norman Davies, of all people, to see that Fritz had made this proposal in 1769 (and then I couldn't find it in the P.C., because he gets the date wrong and doesn't name Solms), and then get this book Amazon recommended on the Russo-Turkish War to tell me how to find the actual proposal by Fritz.

So the true story seems to be: Fritz had the idea first, but got pushback and gave up on it, and wasn't prepared to re-adopt the idea two years later because he was expecting more pushback. (If he thought it was just Heinrich's idea, it's understandable that Fritz didn't realize how much support the idea now had at the Russian court, because of his previous experience, whereas Heinrich, who was there in St. Petersburg, realized how much had changed in 2 years.)

You know, if it didn't seem out of character for Fritz, I would still wonder...if someone makes you a proposal, refusing it because you want more but think you will lose face if you ask directly, if your BATNA is good enough, is a known negotiating technique that I have used myself. And it worked out for Fritz the same way it worked out for me: they started offering him more to catch his interest, and instead of getting one territory (the initial offer), he got the whole land bridge that he needed.

But I don't know that Fritz had that kind of subtlety, and it definitely doesn't seem like he and Heinrich worked this out in advance. He seems genuinely annoyed that little brother has decided to go to St. Petersburg and, as we saw, says, "I could have explained so many things in person." (Except you never would, Fritz, because you would rather poke your own eyes out than entrust Heinrich with a negotiation in a country out of your reach.)

Oh, and I meant to tie Branicki and Mokranowski back to The King's Secret. Remember when I wrote:

Then there are intrigues in the Polish Diet! The upshot is that the French come out on top for the present: they manage to get a powerful noble to defect to the French side, and prevent an alliance with Austria and Russia.

, which happened back in 1752? The powerful noble who defects to the French side is Branicki, and Mokranowski, according to Broglie, is the guy who gets him to defect. It's very dramatic:

The Act of Confederation was placed in a tent, which was speedily besieged by a crowd eager to sign the document. Mokranowski, having cleared a passage for himself, suddenly advanced to the table, as if with the intention of adding his own signature, caught up the paper, and, holding it tight against his breast, declared that it should only be taken from him with his life. Then, followed by the multitude attracted by this daring action, he went straight to the dwelling of the Grand General, and there, in a loud voice which could be heard by every one, he explained to the aged patriot what would be the consequences of the proceeding to which he was about to commit himself. He showed him that behind the National Confederation was a foreign invasion, only awaiting the signal to commence; a Russian army already collected on the frontier and ready to march in aid of civil war; and, as a result of this odious intervention of the foreigner, not only a Treaty of Alliance contrary to the interest of Poland, but a revolution by which the ancient liberties of the citizens would be sacrificed to the royal power. Every one knows how versatile are the masses--" Every assembly is a mob," said Cardinal de Retz--even an assembly of nobles like that which the young speaker was addressing. The passion in his face, the fire of his language, spread like an electric shock through the crowd; and, at the last moment, his happy allusion to the designs of the Czartoryski, which were already suspected, touched each member of the assembly on a sensitive point, and a universal clamour arose. Yielding to the popular enthusiasm, the Grand General rose, and, clasping Mokranowski in his arms, thanked him for having saved the country, while the young man tore the document, which he still held, to pieces, and trod upon the fragments.

The Grand General is Branicki.

Unfortunately, the H-W biographer says H-W's dispatch home says the defection happened for more boring reasons, and that this episode goes back to Rulhière. If you read The King's Secret and the H-W bio, you will constantly see the former uncritically accepting Rulhière's take, and the latter claiming Rulhière is guilty of pro-French bias, and saying that if you read H-W's and the Comte de Broglie's actual envoy reports, you get a more realistic picture.

Salon discusses )
selenak: (CourtierLehndorff)
[personal profile] selenak
First of all, authorship to this book is credit to the Earl of Ilchester and Mrs. Langford-Brooke, which I took to meaning the Earl provided a great many of the papers and Mrs. L-B did the actual writing. The preface details the convoluted fate of H-W's papers, and how, among other events, earlier attempts to write is biography or publish a collection of his poetry failed, the later because Southey, the poet entrusted with the task, flat out refused because of changed morality. To which I say: Southey, you had it coming. Partly because of this, I presume, our author(s) are at pains to emphasize how Sir Charles Hanbury-Williams was a man of his time, alright, but not really a coarse Georgian, and would that he had lived in better times. Hence no syphilis, no non-straight verses (though his insinuating comments on Fritz and Hervey are kept intact), and of the het verses, nothing explicit.

This said, it's a biography that uses a lot of primary material - not just Hanbury's own papers but the national archives (which for example the mid 19th century Mitchell editor and publisher Andrew Bisset also used) for all the diplomatic dispatches, and in this regard, it's a treasure trove. Most of the footnotes go to primary sources. On the downside, it doesn't feel like the author(s) consulted many non-British sources - I mainly noticed Poniatowski's and Catherine's memoirs -, but not much else, and nothing German, despite H-W's work in Dresden, Berlin, Vienna, and of course all the Hannover stuff. And even of the British contemporaries, non-complimentary takes on H-W are dismissed in footnotes or in the final chapter with two sentences, like when we're told Lady Mary Wortley-Montagu didn't have a high opinion of him, but as she was friends with his wife, she wouldn't have. (Love the argument, as opposed to "she was on the other side of a feud you even quoted a poem of his from, wherein not only Hervey but she get direclty attacked, and oh, yes, she was friends with Hervey much more intensely - the Algarotti triangle not withstanding - than she was with his wife.) It very much feels like an authorized biography written centuries after the fact.

Charles Hanbury-Williams: Youth and Soulmate )


Back to the 1920s hagioraphy: At any event, Wimmington's death is what ultimately pushes H-W into his envoy career later. But first Charles is a young man about town, and our authors are at pains to emphasize he was NOT a member of the Hellfire Club and did not participate in its orgies, he was a member of the Society of Dilettanti, which was a slightly more respectable frat boy union and future office holder network. He falls in love with Peg Woffington, the great actress of the day, but while accepting his suit she's also lovers with David Garrick, most famous actor of the day, and this leads to the anecdote where a jealous H-W accuses her of having seen Garrick only this morning, when she told him she hadn't seen Garrick for eons. Replies Peg: "And is not that an age ago?"

We've now reached the early 1740s, and the contortion of "don't say syphilis!" re: H-W's impending marital breakup is so great that I must quote:

The Illness that Dare Not Speak Its Name )

Simultanously to having his marriage explode, H-W bitches with the Foxes about Hervey.

We hates him, Precious! )

Charles Hanbury Williams gets into politics )

Execution of two Jacobite Lords )

First Posting: Anglo Among Saxons )

Second Posting: Meet the Hohenzollerns )

Interlude: The Mystery of Madame Brandt )

Back to H-W's Prussian adventures.

Avoiding Jacobite Exiles, Meeting Voltaire, Still Not Meeting Fritz )

Wilhelmine visits, and thus we get a H-W written portrait of her:

I never met with a woman so learnedly ignorant )

And now for the big letterly explosion. Our biographer tells us this rant on why Fritz sucks, sucks, sucks, is so "outspoken as to be partly unpublishable", because clearly he agrees with Georg Schnath on the tender sensibilities of 1920s readers. Still, what we get is:

The completest Tyrant that God ever sent for a scourge )

Fatherly Advice Interlude )


After a brief second Saxon interlude, H-W gets posted to Vienna because London is under the impression the current envoy, Robert Keith, isn't tough enough on MT. As mentioned elsewhere, H-W was that rarity, an envoy who succeeded in making himself unpopular in Vienna and Berlin to the same degree. As with Fritz, he came with an already formed opinion, slightly revised it upon being received by FS & MT (as opposed to Fritz, they received him quickly), and then went back into critique.

Charles Hanbury-Williams Tells It All: Habsburg Edition )

So no, that diplomatic posting isn't a roaring success, either. Exit Charles Hanbury-Williams. Russia awaits!

Russian Prelude, more fatherly advice )

Meeting Catherine The Not Yet Great: Diplomatic Success at Last! )

Corresponding With Catherine )

Saying goodbye to Poniatowski and Catherine )

H-W's journey back is described including a mental breakdown in Hamburg. Again, no mention of syphilis. Instead, we leanr that vulnerable Sir Charles manages to attract an enterprising adventuress named Julie John or Johnes who manages, after three days of acquaintance, to extract a marriage pledge and a grant of 10,000 roobles. She will actually show up in England later waving the marriage pledge at his family and will have to be paid off. Says the book: Whether from noxious drugs or from more natural causes, Sir Charles became completely deranged during those days in Hamburg.

Aaand he's off, with another member of the Marwitz clan as escort. He's not locked up in the proverbial attic in England but cared for in a nice house, and his daughters visit, which he reports in a short letter showing he can pull himself together that much. But basically, it's the end for Charles Hanbury-Williams.

Charles Hanbury-Williams: The Rebuttal )
selenak: (Elizabeth - shadows in shadows by Poison)
[personal profile] selenak
The two books are written a few decades apart, with "Empress Elizabeth" published in 1986, i.e. a year after Gorbachev in earnest practiced perestroika and glasnost, and the preface (not by the author) declares it to be very much a product of glasnost applied to history, doing away with both the Marxist pov and with the dea that the post-Peter the Great era until Catherine the Great's ascension is not worth studying. For me, the most obvious difference between the two books is actually that the second one, "The Five Empresses" is far more anecdotal, chatty and emotionial in nature. "Empress Elizabeth" may not be Marxist, but it does apply thematic structures the way I'm used to from current day German biographies (for example of FW, F1 or the Great Elector) I've read in recent years, i.e. foreign policy, domestic policy, private life - which means we go back and forth in time a few times - while "Five Empresses" does not.

Some more general observations about both books and their author's opinions )

Anyway. Anisimov manages to bring his various characters to life, and he's good at establishing where their various strengths and weaknesses come from.

Anna Ivanova: Romanov Cinderella Goes Autocrat )

Mostly, Anisimov brings up the quotes to back up his opinions, but not always. For example: after presenting the Peter I/Catherine I relationship as a love match on both parts backed up by excerpts from their earthy, mutually fond correspondence through the years, he arrives that point in the story where Catherine takes a non-Peter young lover, who happened to be the younger brother of Peter's first love, one Villm Mons. This is after Alexei's death and when speculating why she took that insane risk which easily could have gotten her killed painfully once Peter found out (in effect, he did kill her love, but not Catherine), our narrator suddenly questions whether she loved Peter at all, and points out the former Martha the peasant, war captive, did not have much choice, being handed from man to man until ending up with Peter, and doing anything but please the most powerful man in the land was out of the question. True enough, but might I suggest a third possibility: she both wanted the life with him and loved him until she saw him torture his own son to death. Even if she disliked Alexeii and saw him as a rival for her own children, including her at this point living son (something Anisimov assumes but does not back up with a quote), once you've seen a man do that, I could well see it killing any attachment beyond self preservation.

The First Miracle of the House of Brandenburg - Russian Take )

Elizaveta Petrovna: Charismatic Hedonist Conservative )

How the French Envoy Overrated Himself )

How To Handle Your Holstein Nephew and Rival )

How to Not Raise a Tiny Terror Grandson: By Catherine The Great )

In conclusion, thank you, Mildred, these were two instructive books. Since the author is remarkably not nationalistic - for example, when talking about the Anna Ivanova period is remembered as the time where Germans dominated the court, he points out that firstly, the Germans in question all came originally from different German states, had lived in Russia for many years and were at each other's throats, i.e. were rivals, not a unified German party, and secondly, it was in this very era that the Russian nobility got the massive concessions from the government which plagued every ruler since because they daren't take all those privileges away again, so the Russian nobles had the least cause to complain, as opposed to the general Russian population -, I am somewhat afraid to check whether he's still alive, and how he's doing these days....

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard: Surprisingly well, at least according to his university page! 74 years old, tenured professor at the HSE University campus in St. Petersburg, tons of publications, named Best Teacher in 2014 and 2015, Winner of the HSE University Best Russian Research Paper Competition in 2021...

Of course, what's not listed on the page (or even what's listed in Russian that may give clues), I cannot say. But at least not in prison, mysteriously dead, mysteriously disappeared, or in exile.
selenak: (DadLehndorff)
[personal profile] selenak
While the estimable Dr. Schmidt(-Lötzen) only had the chance to publish four volumes of Lehndorff's diaries in book form, with volume IV covering the time until and including 1784, he did continue to publish his translations in the journal "Masovia" (where the first four volumes also made their debut in separate installments before being collected in book volumes), up to and including the year 1787.

1785: Twilight of the Fritz )


1785: Meeting Lafayette )

1786: Catherine the Great's true love rival revealed! )


1786: The Death of Kings )

1786-1787: New King, new job opportunities? )

Kalckreuth: The return )

Soon, Lehndorff has other worries, though.

On nearly losing your child (again) )


Karl makes it out of the sickness alive, though. Lehndorff's wife and his two other children get smallpox the same year, but survive as well, so there is more fretting and worrying, and then once he doesn't have worry about their lives anymore, Heinrich gives up and decides to go to Rheinsberg.

1787: Death of a Princess, Retirement for a Prince )

This would be a good place to end this write up, but unfortunately, there's still a decades-in-the-making rant to go through. It's one long outburst about how much life has screwed Lehndorff over, and thus he concludes 1787:

Money can't buy you love, especially if you keep not getting it )
selenak: (CourtierLehndorff)
[personal profile] selenak
Joseph II, Volume I: In the Shadow of Maria Theresa (1741 - 1780)

I've now read the first volume of Beales' opus magnum. As biographies go, I find it less dense while as informative as Stollberg-Rillingers MT biography, but otoh not as fluently narrated as, say, "Der Kaiser reist incognito" or Stefan Zweig's Marie Antoinette biographie romancee. He's mostly good with footnotes and sourcing his quotes. (A very rare exception: the apocryphal "She cried, and she took!" re: MT & Poland supposedly by Fritz but really not! Near the end of the book in an overall assessment of the co-regency years, no less.) Also, as opposed to Nancy Goldstone on one end of the scale (Fritz bad, MT and daughters plus Leopold but not Joseph good) and the whole school of Prussian historians pre and some post WWII (Fritz glorious, destiny justifies everything! Party of Progress! Also MT should just have given him Silesia which was Prussia's by old right anyway, and he'd have been her champion!) on the other, he's refreshingly matter of factly and unpartisan. In terms of Habsburg vs Habsburg, he of course makes his case for Joseph but without putting down MT, and I find his rendition of the Mother/Son relationship, both in its personal and political aspects - and at the way these were hopelessly intertwined, which - very plausible. He doesn't prettify the increasing dysfunctionality of the later years, but nor does he simplify and makes a good case for the ongoing affection along with all the mutual criticism and frustration. And he makes an absolutely fascinating contemporary comparison which never occurred to me before, but the more I think about it, the more the shoe fits:

Joseph & Maria Theresa = Fritz & Heinrich? )

Interlude: Joseph and Eleonore Liechtenstein )

And here's an anecdote featuring the Prince de Ligne, he who wrote the Eugene's memoirs RPF and also gave us some great descriptions of the Joseph and Fritz summit (including an Antinous reference!). Writes Beales, in a story that also is very descriptive of 18th century monarchies, Austrian edition:

A trivial example will highlight the difference of attitude between mother and son. The Belgian prince de Ligne, serving in the Monarchy's army, recalled in his memoirs that, furious at not being at once appointed on the death of his fatherh to command the family regiment and to a Knighthood of the Golden Fleece, he had written to the appropriate official, using the phrase: "Born in a land where there are no slaves, I shall be in a position to take my small merit and fortune elsewhere." When this insubordination became known to Maria Theresa and Joseph, they called a 'council of war'. The emperor wanted to take the initiative and dismiss the prince forthwith. Another member wanted him imprisoned. But a third, marshal Lacy, made the courtier's suggestion which the empress adopted: .for three months she would refuse to speak to Ligne, or to look at him when he kissed hands. The prince claimed that on one occasion during the period of this cruel sentence, he had caught her laughing.

Joseph & Frederick the Great as monarchs, compare and contrast )

Beales doesn't hold back on Joseph's flaws - for example, his Fritzian treatment of his second wife - but also has praise for his ability to be there when people he loved were suffering. Reading this biography, it hit me that Joseph was present at the deaths of his father, mother, first wife and daughter. The only death which was quick of these was the one of his father. The death of his daughter is the saddest of these, (MT to Lacy, one of Joseph's two male bffs in the circle: After this cruel blow, take care of my son. Try to see him every day, even twice a day, so that he may share his grief with you whom he knows to be his friend. )

Joseph the Theatre Patron )

Maria Theresa's Death and Joseph's reaction )

In conclusion: a good and profound book on a tricky subject.


Joseph II, Volume II: Against the World (1780 - 1790)

Volume 2, about Joseph's decade as a lone ruler, continues to be concise, informative, neither dense and headache inducing nor as vividly told as the biographies romancees. Beales remains non-partisan in that he shows very clearly how Joseph manages to alienate most people, including most of his siblings, and piss off the nobility of various countries under his rule (whom he'd have direly needed on his side) in completely unnecessary ways, while also making mince meat of some legends (there's a chapter basically all about Joseph as a patron of music, with special emphasis on Mozart, where Beales really cuts loose against Joseph vilification in some older Mozart biographies and makes a convincing case of Joseph having been a good patron to Mozart (and in general responsible for Vienna really being the capital of European music under his reign), and showing the sheer magnitude and radicalism of what Joseph was aiming for. There's a good discussion near the end of putting Joseph in context not just with the two other enlightened despots of his time - Fritz and Catherine - but also with the two monarchs before him who could be called not enlightened, but revolutionaries from the top who did succeed in radically changing their countries and societies - Peter the Great and FW. He points out that the usual explanation as to why they were successful in ways Joseph was not, that Joseph's temper, the high handedness, the sarcasm, the know it all ness, the arrogance etc. ruined his efforts, really does not work, because both Peter and FW were easily as difficult as Joseph, if not way more so, and Joseph would never have done to his nephew (or alienated siblings) what they did to their sons. But, says Beales, Peter and FW worked with their nobles. And that, in his opinion, did make the difference.

MT is dead in volume II, of course, but her long term effect and the intense and complicated feelings Joseph had for his mother continue to play a role. Right at the start, Beales has great description: "(S)he had been a bulwark on which he needed to lean even while he was pummelling it with his fists."

Self evidently he was glad to finally get all the reforms he wanted going without anyone on an equal or superior level argueing back, let alone prevent it (he was yet to discover this did not mean the reforms would actually be accepted and work), but he also wrote to Leopold: Every minute I think I ought to be sending her some packets or going to see her myself. A pleasant habit of forty years' standing, affection such as Nature, duty, inclination and admiration combined to inspire, can enither be forgotten or effaced. It is as if I am stunned.(...)

Reformer Joseph vs The Vatican )

Joseph's Russian alliance and in-laws )

Joseph emancipates the Jews and pisses off the Hungarians )

Joseph, both the least and the most approachable of Enlightened Despots )

How Joseph got the other HRE Princes paranoid )

Joseph and Leopold agreeing on their worst brother-in-law )

Leopold and Max Ernst versus Joseph )

Joseph as a patron of music and musicians )
mildred_of_midgard: (Default)
[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard
Cast
Moritz Karl zu Lynar: A Saxon ambassador. Succeeds Suhm at Berlin, precedes Suhm at St. Petersburg, and succeeds Suhm at St. Petersburg.

Anna Leopoldovna: Russian regent 1740-1741. Niece of Anna Ivanova, mother of and regent for Ivan VI, wife of Anton Ulrich of Brunswick, who was Elizabeth Christina's older brother (and thus Fritz's brother-in-law).

When Lynar was ambassador to St. Petersburg the first time, he was having an affair with Anna Leopoldovna, then believed to be next in line to the throne. Court intrigues forced him out in 1736. His replacement was Suhm.

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard's findings:

German, Russian, and English Wikipedia agree on Anna/Lynar and that Lynar was married to Julia Mengden, Anna's lady in waiting and royal favorite. Then they diverge.

English wiki:

Anna's love life took up much time, as the bisexual Anna was involved simultaneously in what were described as "passionate" affairs with the Saxon ambassador Count Moritz zu Lynar and her lady-in-waiting Mengden. Anna's husband did his best to ignore the affairs. After becoming regent, Anton was marginalised, being forced to sleep in another palace while Anna took either Lynar, Mengden or both to bed with her. At times the grand duke would appear to complain about being "cuckolded", but he was always sent away. At one point, Anna proposed to have Lynar marry Mengden in order to unite the two people closest to her in the world together.

German wiki: Anna encouraged the affair of Lynar with Mengden because it gave Anna a cover story to spend time with her lady-in-waiting's husband.

Russian wiki: Mengden/Anton Ulrich! Also, "intriguingly, Julia Mengden facilitated Anna's affair with Lynar by providing her rooms for their affairs." (No mention of threesomes, presumably because Russia officially doesn't have people attracted to the same sex in their country.)

Again, Anton Ulrich, I say: I hope all that philosophy helps! [ETA: Oh, it should go without saying that I'm headcanoning English wiki, because it at least cites modern French scholarship, I don't trust the Russian wiki not to be explicitly homophobic, and while Mengden may have been getting it on with both the regent and her husband, that may also have been a story that was made up during homophobic times.]

Also, another unhappy marriage by a Brunswick to a foreign royal who ignored them to spend time with their same-sex favorites (although also opposite-sex in Anna's case, which is possibly related to how Anton's marriage managed to produce a bunch of kids, unlike EC's).

...Makes me rethink what life in prison together must have been like. :/

Ooh, the Julia Mengden wiki page article tells me she voluntarily followed Anna Leopoldovna to prison, but when the family was sent to remote Russia in 1744, Mengden was left behind in the old prison. :( At least Catherine let her go when she became Tsarina in 1762 (as not being remotely a threat, I assume).

Also, dang, apparently I had misremembered the details of Lynar! He actually did make it to St. Petersburg in time to replace Suhm and enjoy being the regent's lover, then in 1741 he was traveling back to Saxony to ask permission to leave Saxon service and enter Russian service. (!!) He made it to Dresden, got permission, and he was on his way back when Elizaveta's coup happened. And then the Saxons asked the Russians if they still wanted Lynar, they said no, and so the Saxons kept Lynar in Dresden and Königsberg. Lynar apparently hated Russia for the rest of his life. Given what happened to his lover, I can believe it!

Wow, this is amazing.

1740: Saxon envoy to Russia Suhm requests permission to leave Saxon service so he can be with his royal love. The Saxons grant it. On his way there, he dies.

1741: Saxon envoy to Russia Lynar requests permission to leave Saxon service so he can be with his royal love. The Saxons grant it. On his way there, he finds out his lover has been taken prisoner. They never see each other again.

One, August III is really chill! Can you imagine if two successive Fritzian envoys wanted to leave his service to be with their royal love? Don't worry, August, you'll get your revenge in the 1750s when thousands of conscripted Saxons desert Fritz's service en masse! A Pyrrhic victory, but still.

Two, what is it about Saxon envoys?? :P

[personal profile] selenak: As a dedicated watcher of Sachsens Glanz und Preußens Gloria, the reply to the second question is simple: Saxons are the sexiest! They have practice, what with Saxon politics always involving lots of affairs, and so no one can resist them! Only Swiss spies are as sexy and irrestable.

August III.: I just want everyone to be happy and get along.

His very ambitious ministers duking it out: We don't.

Don't worry, August, you'll get your revenge in the 1750s when thousands of conscripted Saxons desert Fritz's service en masse! A Pyrrhic victory, but still.

Loooong before that, sexy Italian Algarotti deserts Fritz for the fleshpots of Saxony in 1741. :)

Sigh about Russian wiki. Yeah, the reason alas is obvious. As for German wiki, I note it's generally more conservative in 18th century articles (see also Lady Mary/Hervey/Algarotti triangle and the different presentations thereof), but that's because it all too often takes its info from copyright free 19th century publications. When they don't, such as when writing about the wild history of the Casanova memoirs and their translations/bowdlerizations, this is less of a problem, and of course articles about modern bi or gay people are different.

Poor Anton Ulrich.

the Julia Mengden wiki page article tells me she voluntarily followed Anna Leopoldovna to prison, but when the family was sent to remote Russia in 1744, Mengden was left behind in the old prison. :( At least Catherine let her go when she became Tsarina in 1762 (as not being remotely a threat, I assume).

No one could raise a rebellion in Julia Mengden's name. (The biographies gave me the impression that Catherine's cruelties weren't, as a rule, pointless. But woe to you if you were in any way a possible candidate for the throne, no matter how unlikely, given she's someone with absolutely zero blood right on it and knows by personal example that coup staging can be done.) Back to Julia Mengden, though; her going with Anna initially does make it sound like true love.

Oh, and if we're listing Saxon envoys to Russia and royal loves - may I remind you who also was one? Poniatowski, after he couldn't be Charles Hanbury-Williams' Legation secretary anymore.

In conclusion, Saxon envoys clearly are the sexiest.

Algarotti: Let me put in a good word for British envoys, since one of them was the tastiest dish to me.....
selenak: (DadLehndorff)
[personal profile] selenak
Or, one of the most notorious fanboy vs fanboy(s) flame wars since Platon & Co. argued whether Achilles or Patroclos topped. Johann Georg (von, but not yet) Zimmermann started out as a (practising, not just studied) doctor, with literature as his second passion, then started to publish as well, became a member of various Academies of Sciences in various countries as well as court physician of George III. in Hannover. (Bear in mind here that George III. was the first of the Hanover Georges to never visit Hannover (it came with also being the first to being born on British soil and having grown up with English as his primary language); G3 still was reigning Prince Elector of Hanover, though, and as such maintained a separate Hanover court. (Once his younger sons were old enough to study in Göttingen, which was a university the House of Hannover sponsored, they were present.) And that's where Zimmermann was court physician. Zimmermann first met Fritz, whom he idolized, in 1771, and this personal encounter was even in Rococo age terms very intense. To quote one of Fritz' latest biographers, Tim Blanning:

After his first encounter with his hero in 1771 [Zimmermann] left the room in floods of tears, exclaiming, “Oh, my love for the King of Prussia is beyond words!”

The book that made Zimmerman known internationally as well as in the German states before Fritz' death was "Über die Einsamkeit" ("About Loneliness"), dealing with melancholy and its effects, published 1784/1785. Among other things, it got him a correspondence with Catherine the Great, a membership in the St. Petersburg Academy and an annoblement from Catherine, which was very recent in the years we're talking about. He was summoned by Fritz to Sanssouci from June 23rd to July 11th 1786 and thus was among the last foreign visitors to encounter the dying King. Now, until and including this point, Zimmermann had been on friendly terms with Berlin's literary circles, including with Friedrich Nicolai. In 1788, when Nicolai published the first of his six volumes of Frederician anecdotes, he mentions Zimmermann as a friend and encourager of his anecdote collecting project in the preface.

However, in 1788, Zimmermann also published, and not with Nicolai: " Über Friedrich den Grossen und meine Unterredungen mit ihm kurz vor seinem Tode. Von dem Ritter von Zimmermann." Leipzig 1788, one and a half year after Friedrich's death. ("About Frederick the Great and my conversations with him shortly before his death. By the baronet von Zimmermann.") Even in the flood of anecdote collections and memoirs, this was a bestseller, since Zimmermann had the undeniable advantage of near deathbed conversations, as well as a until then excellent reputation, both as a doctor and a writer.

Conversations: Review of a bestseller )

While the book sold very well, there was some snark about Zimmermann's early anti Enlightenment digs as well as about his pride in his now being Ritter von Zimmermann (confidant of monarchs) in the reviews. This, Zimmermann saw as mere envy and betrayal, especially on the part of (now former) friends like Nicolai, whom he attacks as a Fritz misunderstanding ignoramus in his next publication, Fragmente über Friedrich den Großen, zur Geschichte seines Lebens, seiner Regierung und seines Charakters, von dem Ritter von Zimmermann (1790, Leipzig, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung), about which you can read my detailed summary in the entry I just linked. This was the book that made Zimmermann go from famous to notorious, as it presents what we nicknamed the "broken penis" theory. (Briefly: far from disliking women, Frederick the Great had too much sex with them as a young man, got STD, got a supposed cure by a medical hack recced to him by his Schwedt Cousin, married EC, had six months of blissful marital sex with her before the STD resurfaced, then had a operation on his penis which was botched, resulting in a malformed penis and psychological (not actual, this point is important to Zimmermann) impotence, which Frederick then tried to cover up by pretending to be gay. Fragments thus became the primary canon for a lot of no homo historians through the centuries. One more thing: in true Chinese whisper fashion, I've seen the claim that Zimmermann, as Fritz' (temporary) doctor, ought to know since presumably would have seen the broken penis in question. However, he himself makes no such claim. Fritz' notorious later years dislike of being seen in the nude by anyone is in fact part of his theory as to the reason for it.

After "Fragments" got published, a publication storm broke loose. Not just because of Zimmermann's main theory but because of a couple of additional theories he voices in this book as well as its general anti Enlightenment tendency. Nonetheless, Zimmermann's book is why the world has signed and written testimonies on the state of Frederick the Great's penis, which first saw the light of day in the publications by Büsching and Friedrich Nicolai that were immediately written and published to counter Zimmermann's claim. Nicolai's book is a detailed refutation of Zimmermann's everything, which is why you now get a review and summary of:

Friedrich Nicolai: Freymüthige Anmerkungen über des Herrn Ritters von Zimmermann Fragmente über Friedrich den Großen )

The only writer of note siding with Zimmermann in this argument was dramatist August von Kotzebue (himself to later suffer a tragic fate: he was assassinated by a student, an event which triggered the so called Karlsbader Beschlüsse that were to plunge the post Napoleonic German states into a miasma of censorship, harsh prison sentences and general conservatism decades later), who published a pamphlet called "Doctor Bahrdt mit der eisernen Stirn, oder Die deutsche Union gegen Zimmermann". Since Kotzebue did this not under his own name, but by pretending the Freiherr von Knigge, famously the author of a "how to behave among gentlemen" treatise, was the author, Knigge sued, not Kotzebue but Zimmermann. And then Georg Christoph Lichtenberg wrote a Zimmermann satire for good measure. At which point Zimmermann wrote his petition to the ruling Emperor (who was Leopold, brother of Joseph, MT s second surviving son) asking for a really hard smackdown of all these people whose lack of morals and ethics were what you got if were were free thinker without being such an exceptional human being as Frederick the Great. The state of whose genitals was now better documented than that of any other of his contemporaries. Not that this has stopped no-homo historians to pick up on Zimmermann's key theory and run with it ever since.

Diderot

Feb. 6th, 2021 09:27 am
mildred_of_midgard: (Default)
[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard
The Diderot biography I'm writing up here is Diderot and the Art of Thinking Freely, by Andrew Curran.

I chose it because it was available on Kindle, cheap, and Amazon recommended it to me. ;) It was not as scholarly as I would have liked, but it was as good a starting point as any.

I haven't finished writing up the most important part, his work on the Encyclopédie, but that requires a little more precision, so I'm still working on it [ETA: I'll get to it someday. ;)]. For now, you can have the rest.

Personal life )

The Art of Thinking Freely )

Diderot and Catherine )
mildred_of_midgard: (Default)
[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard
Write-up by [personal profile] gambitten.

Upcoming

Upcoming Andrew Mitchell PHD thesis

There's been some lamentation recently that not much recent scholarly work is available for this lad. Well, I'm happy to point you in the direction of this English-language 2019 PHD thesis entitled 'Andrew Mitchell, ‘new diplomatic history’, and cultural networks in Britain and Europe'. It will be publicly available from this link from the 15th of February 2021 onwards. It looks to have new research on Mitchell's early life, and focuses on the relationship he forged with Friedrich in his role as a diplomat. Some quick excerpts, but see the whole introduction via the link:

"This thesis examines the career of British diplomat Andrew Mitchell (1708-1771) in the context of ‘new diplomatic history’.(...) It is interested in the lives of diplomats outside of signing treaties, attending conferences, and paying court to rulers and kings. Therefore, this thesis utilises Mitchell’s cultural pursuits – defined as his interests in science and literature – to place new emphasis on his political career in London, and his diplomatic mission to Prussia from 1756-1771. The key aim of the thesis is to argue that Mitchell’s diplomatic mission was predominantly carried out as a form of cultural diplomacy, in which Mitchell forged strong links with Prussia’s ruler, Frederick II (the Great) through their shared intellectual and cultural interests.(...) Chapters 2 and 3 provide both new research and evidence on Mitchell’s early life and greater context for the argument that Mitchell carried out cultural diplomacy."

Upcoming PHD thesis focussed on FW as a father

This German-language PHD thesis which alternatively goes under the titles '"Terrible man" and "Dear Papa": Friedrich Wilhelm as a father' or 'When is a man a man? Drafts of masculinity by Friedrich Wilhelm' has been worked on by Sören Schlueter since at least 2017. It focuses on the relationships between FW and all of his children, and definitely looks to be the most in-depth research done into this topic. Schlueter gave a short lecture back in April 2017 on the relationships FW had with his youngest children and the roles he ascribed to them, which was later adapted into the chapter 'From "nuns" and "cadets". On the father role of Friedrich Wilhelm I' in the 2020 scholarly book Mehr als nur Soldatenkönig. (Sidenote: there's no eBook version of this so I couldn't check out the chapter rip) I have no idea when this PHD will be completed, but it's something to keep on the radar.

Upcoming book about FW:

Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger, who released the recent and extremely long German-language biography of Maria Theresa in 2017, has since been working on a book about FW titled Cruelty, Discipline and Despair: Friedrich Wilhelm I and the Prussian Myth. It focuses on how FW was perceived by his contemporaries and how perception of his rule and behaviour changed in the subsequent centuries as the darker aspects of his character were played down. The author very recently (three weeks ago) made a 5 minute English-language video talking about her book. I assume it will come out in 2021.

Upcoming book based on a PHD thesis on Friedrich and Catherine's relationships with philosophers:

This 2019 PHD thesis by Shi Ru Lim entitled 'Philosophical Kingship in Eighteenth-Century Europe: Frederick II, Catherine II, and the philosophes' looks to "revise existing pictures of the power dynamics between eighteenth-century Europe’s intellectual and political elites". She is currently revising it to publish as a book.

"This thesis offers a re-reading of the intellectual and historical significance of the relationships that Frederick the Great of Prussia and Catherine the Great of Russia maintained with a number of leading French philosophes. It makes four overarching points. Firstly, these long-standing relationships were more than assertions of ‘soft power’ and vehicles by which rulers and philosophers cultivated their celebrity and posthumous glory. They were also sites of intellectual contestation, where all participants engaged seriously with contemporary ideas. Secondly, the philosophes exercised considerable power and enjoyed remarkable success in persuading Frederick and Catherine of the value of their philosophic causes and agendas. Thirdly, their exchanges and their contexts show that these causes and agendas were firmly rooted in the philosophes’ political thinking, and revolved around determining the terms of the relationship between philosophy and government. Fourthly, the most important aspects of Frederick and Catherine’s relationships with the philosophes—the correspondence and other negotiations that undergirded them—all took place in a space between, yet inadequately captured by conventional conceptions of the public and the private."

This looks like it will be a nice companion to Avi Lifschitz's first modern English edition of Friedrich's philosophical writings available this December.

Current or past sources

Prussian Secret State Archives
About Lieutenant von der Groeben:
I noticed that in Tim Blanning's Fritz biography, he mentions some 'unpublished letters to a Lieutenant von der Groeben(...) [which] indicate that he continued to maintain intimate relations with young officers of his regiment'. In Frank Göse's newly released Friedrich Wilhelm biography he also mentions these letters but gives a few more details: "In any case, letters to a young lieutenant von der Groeben from the mid-1730s contain unambiguous - all the way down to anatomical details - allusions to a homoerotic relationship." He doesn't quote from the letters but gives their exact location in the archives. [GStA PK, BPH, Rep. 47, J, Nr. 371, unpag.] I finally figured out how to search on the online archives and came up with this page. While none of the letters here are 'page 371', all of them are for Hans Heinrich von der Gröben in 1734 and some of the numbers are around 371. I suppose the only way to see number 371 would be to pay 15 euros for it to be digitised and have the image to download, which I would do, but I'm not German and I don't understand the form.

Another interesting part of the archives I found is here. According to the database, BPH, Rep. 47, Nr. 644 is:

"Court affairs, personalities, embezzlement of Glazow, news from the king and the army
Contains:
- Correspondence of Chamberlain Fredersdorf with Chamberlain Leining, Secretary Gentze, Chamberlain Glasow, Chamberlain Anderson as well as with Baron v. Trackenberg, b. from Kameke (widow)


Leining was the successor to Fredersdorf's 'secret chamberlain' position. I know we've spoken about Glasow and the Fredersdorf embezzlement situation a lot, but to be honest, I can't remember what the different stories were. I'm not sure if you all have looked through this overview published in 2018 using information from the archives in the Fritz box bill project here, but if you haven't, that looks to be the most reliable source. It says that Glasow copied Fredersdorf's wax seal and used it mark invoices...? My German isn't good enough to understand, haha.

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard note: We pursued the Glasow research in the archives further, and you can see the results here.
selenak: (DadLehndorff)
[personal profile] selenak
Somewhat belatedly as I just realised I haven't put them up here yet, my notes (from March this year) on the diary of Girolamo Lucchesini, lector and librarian to Friedrich II in his final years, later diplomat in the Prussian service, still later working as chamberlain for Napoleon's sister Elisa. Lucchesini was credited by contemporaries as different as Johann Georg von Zimmermann (who assures us that no one, but no one, looked sharper into Fritz' heart than "this witty, learned and amiable Italian" and Lehndorff in his 1783 diary ("He reminds me vividly of Count Algarotti, who used to occupy a similar position in the King‘s life. One can call his nature angelic") as being an immensly charming and amiable Fritz manager. Goethe, who met him a year after Fritz' death, had a positive impression as well about him as well but was a bit more salty about Lucchesini's, shall we say, adaptability: The arrival of the Marchese Lucchesini has pushed my departure to a few days; I have had a lot of pleasure getting to know him. He seems to me to be one of those people who have a good moral stomach to always be able to enjoy sitting at the table of the world's luminaries; instead of ours being overcrowded like a ruminant animal's at times and then unable to eat anything else until it has finished repeated chewing and digesting.

Like Henri de Catt, Lucchesini kept a diary during his early years as Fritz' reader, and unlike Catt, he wasn't later found out to have beefed up the resulting memoirs as if he were a historical novelist. However, reading through the (slim) published result, it became immediately apparant to me why Lucchesini's diary never achieved the same popularity as Catt's either with historians nor with the rest of us sensationalistic gossip mongers. (Starting with the very different circumstances - Catt starts his time as Fritz' reader mid Seven-Years-War when the inner and outer crisis of our anti hero couldn't be greater, Lucchesini starts in the 1780s when the last war is over and he's a cranky and lonely old man given to repeat himself.) I read Lucchesini's notes - and they're mostly notes - in two versions. Once in the original Italian, which is beyond me (school Latin and school French as well as some months in Italy many years ago left me with some fragmentary Italian, but that's it) but has a German introduction and German footnotes by Gustav B. Volz, and once in a German translation edited together with Catt's diary and those parts from Catt's memoirs actually based on his diary by Fritz Bischof in 1885.

My own notes on Lucchesini's notes, first round, the orignal version:

Il Re Federico holds forth )

No sooner had I finished reading this that Mildred found a translated-into-German version. The translation selection of Catt's memoirs and diary as well as Lucchesini's diary is edited and published by one Dr. Fritz Bischof in 1885. This enabled me to make notes on interesting to me details I hadn't understood before:

...and then we talked about vampires... )
selenak: (Cora by Uponyourshore)
[personal profile] selenak
Catherine the Great wrote and rewrote her memoirs, which she never finished, through decades of her later life. How much of the original manuscript survives is an open question (what we have never even reaches her ascension to the throne); of some events, like her first encounter with her later husband when they were both children (and before he was brought to Russia) there are even three versons. In short, editors trying to come up with a definite version had their work cut out for them, and it's not surprising there are several versions - one volume, two volumes, some starting with her arrival in Russia, some containing her childhood in Prussia - out there. With all these caveats: here are some quotes of the two volume German translation which does contain the pre-Russian childhood and youth of the quondam Princess Sophie von Anhalt-Zerbst, who had several run-ins with the Hohenzollerns whom she'd later deal with under much changed circumstances.

Meeting Heinrich, Meeting Fritz )
selenak: (CourtierLehndorff)
[personal profile] selenak
One source we've been pointed to from various angles, most recently by Hahn analyzing Fritzian policies in the 7 Years War, are the memoirs of Stanislaw August Poniatowski, the last King of the Polish Commonwealth. Poniatowski is a fascinating figure in his own right, and one of the key issues of his life, the Partitioning(s) of Poland, will never cease to be studied intensely, so what follows is by no means meant to be as an overview of either him or Polish history. I simply excerpt passages of particular interest from a Prussian history angle from his memoirs. The memoirs themselves, btw, were written in several stages, starting in the early 1770s and continuing till Poniatowski's death in Russian exile as a glorified state prisoner. What Ive been reading is a German translation of the first two volumes, edited by A. v. Guttry, covering the years until Poniatowski's second departure from St. Petersburg in the August of 1758. As a Polish nobleman who visited Berlin as a youth (along with most other European capitals), became a diplomat in service of King August III of Saxony at the court of St. Petersburg just in time to protest against the Prussian invasion of Saxony at the start of the 7 Years War, and as the long time lover of the Grand Duchess Catherine, later to become Catherine II, Poniatowski has a unique first row seat to key events of the era, as well as a highly readable, often sarcastic writing style (and of course his own bias).

Meeting Fritz: So overrated! )

If young traveler Poniatowski was less than overwhelmed by Friedrich II's wit and manners, Saxon envoy and later King of Poland Poniatowski is withering about Fritz' mobster tactics to finance Prussia through the 7 Years War by bleeding Saxony and Poland dry:

How Fritz won his war by coin forgery and brutal occupation )

While Poniatowski, for understandable reasons, has it in for the Prussians, he can also dish it out in other directions. He was fond of one particular Englishman, the "Chevalier Williams", who seems to have been his Suhm from their first encounter in Berlin onwards; when Williams seriously argues for the first time with him in St. Petersburg, Poniatowski is ready to jump from the balcony, Rokoko guy that he is, but Williams pulls him back, and they reconcile. Hover, re: as for the British nation in general...

They don't impress me much )

He's nicer about the Austrians, while giving the caveat he's written these positive assessments pre-First Polish Partitioning. A passage about Maria Theresia's first minister Kaunitz, aka the one who hit on the idea of the Diplomatic Revolution, leading into a passage about MT:

My Not Yet Problematic Fave European Monarch )

Poniatowski turns out not to be a believer in "De mortuis nihil si bene" at all. It's doubtful that he'd have had much sympathy for his lover's husband, the ill-fated Peter III, under any circumstances. As the circumstances included Peter's Fritz admiration in all likelihood preventing Prussia's defeat in the 7 Years War...

Peter: Useless, Ridiculous or Dangerous? You decide! )

He did feel very differently regarding Peter's wife. Whether Poniatowski fell in love with Catherine for purely romantic reasons or already with an eye to potential mutual non-romantic benefits is debated (though the net result was that she used him, not the other way around), but she was undoubtedly the woman with the most influence on his life, and he gives her a starring role in his memoirs, starting with the first time they met (courtesy of his friend Williams, by then the British Ambassador in Russia):

Deflowered by Catherine the Great and Proud of It! )

Given all these entertaining descriptions, how did Poniatowski see himself as a young man? It's 1756, and Grand Duchess Catherine challenges her admirer to write a self portrait for her. Which he does:

Hot or not? Me! )

Lastly, here's Poniatwoski as seen by someone else, to wit, Ernst Ahasverus, Count Lehndorff, diarist extraordinaire. It's the lovely month of May 1781, Lehndorff, using his retirement to at last travel for as long as he wants to, likes Warsaw just fine, though he thinks the palace is a bit too overbudget for the Poles. He successfully angles for an invitation at court.

On the 9th at 10 am, I get presented to the King of Poland. He asks me to join him in his study and greets me with charming amiablity. He is still a beautiful man. He rises from his desk and tells me several pleasantries, while recalling that he has met me thirty years ago in Berlin. The conversation extends for quite a while. Finally, he tells me that he wants to show me his country seat himself. I must admit: even leaving his royal dignity aside, he is the most charming and witty man his kingdom has to offer, and he has a nice figure besides.


In conclusion: between this and their mutual fondness for Heinrich, one can make a case for Lehndorff and Catherine II having the same taste.
mildred_of_midgard: Frederick the Great statue (Frederick)
[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard
[personal profile] selenak's write-up of the Pragmatic Sanction:

Pragmatic Sanction )

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard's write-up of the Silesian Wars at a high level, with emphasis on the first two:

Silesian Wars )

[personal profile] selenak fleshing out the non-Prussia side of the War of the Austrian Succession:

Austrian Succession )

A write-up of the Seven Years' War, with emphasis on Peter III, by [personal profile] mildred_of_midgard:

Russian shenanigans )

Peter III's life story. A little bit of context: this all started with [personal profile] selenak's hilarious crackfic in which our heroes and antiheroes are in a chatroom, and user HolsteinPete changes his handle to (P)RussianPete. [personal profile] cahn asked for the context on that, and [personal profile] mildred_of_midgard provided the following.

Holstein Pete )

[personal profile] mildred_of_midgard on the War of the Polish Succession:

Polish Succession )

Not exactly a war, but definitely conquest: the geographical history of the region called Prussia, the Kingdom of Prussia, and the Polish partitions, by [personal profile] mildred_of_midgard.

Prussia and the Polish Partitions )

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